Gender parity has yet to be achieved in Canadian
legislatures despite decades of activism to address the material, institutional
and psychological barriers to political candidacy. Although women comprise half
of the country’s population, they make up just a quarter of its elected
politicians. Women occupy 26% of the seats in the House of Commons and 27.9% of
all provincial legislative spots, ranging from a low of 9.1% in Nunavut to a
high of 37.6% in British Columbia. Women are also just 28% of all municipal
councillors and 18% of all mayors in the country.
Monitoring the descriptive representation of women according
to race, ethnicity, and sexual orientation is more difficult because of the
limited data available, but results from the 2015 federal election suggest a
gender gap also exists within various social groups. Both Indigenous women and
visible minority women, for example, are half as likely as their male
counterparts to be MPs in the 42nd Parliament.
In a bid to explain the under-representation of women in politics, research has typically focused on what happens after women become candidates. Studies have examined gender bias in the recruitment practices of political parties, in the news coverage of elite newspapers and television networks, and in the preferences of voters. Scholars have also assessed the influence of institutional structures, regulatory frameworks, and electoral systems on women’s rate of success.
In a bid to explain the under-representation of women in politics, research has typically focused on what happens after women become candidates. Studies have examined gender bias in the recruitment practices of political parties, in the news coverage of elite newspapers and television networks, and in the preferences of voters. Scholars have also assessed the influence of institutional structures, regulatory frameworks, and electoral systems on women’s rate of success.
(See full World Economic Forum, 2015 Global Gender Gap Report linked here.)
While gender continues to shape the campaign environment,
one inescapable conclusion to be drawn from the vast literature on gender and
politics is that women today are as likely as men to win when they seek elected
office. Many women have found, and are continuing to find, a way to address
whatever challenges they encounter on the way to becoming a politician.
Resolving the gender parity conundrum therefore requires
shifting our focus to what happens before women become candidates. We need to
understand why many women who have the necessary qualifications to be
legislators are choosing not to get involved in electoral politics. The
continuing over-representation of white affluent men in legislatures means we
must also be attentive to the role of race, ethnicity, sexuality, and class in
the candidate emergence process in Canada. What factors explain the variation
in the political participation rates of diverse groups of women and men?
Pathways to—or away from—a career in politics might not be
the same for all women or all men. Indigenous and visible minority Canadians,
for one, could have very different reasons than white Canadians for opting out
of the mainstream political system. A desire to (re)assert their legal,
economic, and cultural rights has no doubt led some Indigenous women and men to
engage in social movement activism or join Indigenous organizations rather than
participate in party politics.
Research examining the political effects of gender, race,
ethnicity, sexuality, and class indicates that we need to challenge our
assumptions regarding the barriers to, and opportunities for, political
candidacy at the federal, provincial, and municipal levels. Fundraising is a
challenge for most candidates, but are women disproportionately scared off by
it? What role does childcare play in women and even men’s decision to put off
their political ambitions? Do women and men’s perceptions of fundraising and
childcare vary based on their social identity or personal circumstances?
Contemporary issues such as political polarization and the
political dangers of social media have led many individuals to give sober
second thought to seeking elected office. These issues also have gendered
implications. Women politicians, for example, are often the focus of sexist attacks on social media and, on occasion, death threats. We know little about
how negativity on social media, fallout from one’s online history, and
pre-emptive party vetting of social media accounts are influencing the decision
of some women and men to abstain from electoral politics in the first place.
My postdoctoral research is set to examine the role that
women and men’s potentially differing attitudes toward a career in politics
play in the candidate emergence process in Canada. It aims to identify the
factors that currently depress women and men’s involvement in electoral
politics at all three levels of government. Some of these factors will no doubt
be ongoing concerns, such as fundraising, while others will be specific to the
times in which we live. And each factor might matter more, or less, depending
upon whether a person considers a candidacy for municipal, provincial, or
federal office.
My project also seeks to uncover potential factors that
encourage women and men to become candidates, such as special party funds,
candidate schools, mentorships programs, and awareness campaigns. What helps
some women and men to overcome their concerns about politics to become
candidates for elected office? We need to know what is keeping many qualified
women and men from entering politics if we want our legislatures to reflect the
diverse backgrounds and life experiences of the general population.
Policymaking that responds to complex issues facing Canada in the 21st century
demands it.
Dr. Angelia Wagner is a SSHRC Postdoctoral Fellow with the
Centre for the Study of Democratic Citizenship at McGill University in
Montréal, Québec. She completed her PhD at the University of Alberta in 2015.
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